Organisation practices and
problems with documental and/or anecdotal evidence
APPENDIX
On
the Question of Scientific Sociological Theory and Method: One theoretical instrument considered thoroughly here was R.K.
Merton's structural functional analysis, which allows investigation of how
far a middle-range institution (including organisations like the Sai Organization) fulfill
their stated ('manifest') functions, how far they fail to do so, or also fulfill
other, unstated ('latent') functions. Merton's instrument also considers to
what extent various interactions may be 'dysfunctional' (i.e. working against
the declared aims). (Robert K. Merton: 'Manifest and Latent Functions' from
Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Il. Free Press. 1957). Subsequently,
it suggests which functions (manifest or latent) and arguable 'dysfunctions'
arise from these roles in respect of the declared values and aims of the organisation
as a whole. Combined with general role theory, Merton's ideas are useful in
directing attention to aspects of an institution one may otherwise overlook,
but they are not precise empirical scientific tools, so conclusions will be
of the nature of a working hypothesis which can be modified if or when further
convincing data becomes available.
The relative unavailability of information is itself a feature of the Sai Organization,
which minimizes internal discussions on controversial questions and releases
few facts about its decision-making. It makes no overview public on the specific
activities of Sai Organization centres around the world and works largely clandestinely to effect it's decisions and policies. It was therefore decided no feasible
to attempt any full, scientifically adequate examination of the Sai Organization. What
analysis is made is based on available source materials, documents, various
reports and participant observations. Limited use is, however, made of tools
from structural functionalism and role theory where appropriate.
Sai Organization as a charismatic religious personality cult: On the possible reason for or function of having an organisation, the following account by Donald Taylor is illumining:-
There is evidence however, that this charismatic authority
is in the process of being routinized. For
example, in June 1985 at an audience given to a group of devotees from
In sum, the primacy of Sathya Sai Baba's charisma is assumed by almost everyone in the movement. He is regarded as the founder of each trust that is formed, as well as the governor of the whole movement. His divinity transcends the legal-rational organization of the movement. Yet his charismatic authority is open to routinization and this, in turn, suggest the eventual ascendancy of legal rational authority.
Challenge to Authority Muted challenges from within the movement sometimes result in the withdrawal of membership. Dr Bhagavantham, formerly on the Council of Management of the Central Trust (also formerly scientific adviser to the Government of India), has recently left the movement; and another, Dr Gokak, formerly in charge of the education programme, has tried to demolish the myths that surround Sai Baba. Other Indian academics have also left; and it is claimed that 'many more devotees including most foreigners have already deserted the flock' (Rajghatta, 1985: 48).
The legal rational
structure of the movement is still, however, secondary to the charisma
of its founder Sathya Sai Baba. The case of the presidency of the
Sai Council of
Other challenges within the movement are more subtle, and also result in some devotees exhibiting miraculous powers, such as producing holy ash and bringing about miraculous cures. So far these powers are claimed to be derived from Sathya Sai Baba. But it is not difficult to see that such activities are challenges to Sai Baba's authority. Unless they are met, the movement could disintegrate into numerous thaumaturgical sects centered upon charismatic individuals. One of the ways to meet this sort of challenge is to routinize charisma, thus transforming the structure of the movement to a legal-rational type.
Another way in which Sathya
Sai Baba has met these challenges has been to secure his position at
the Centre, by claiming to be the incarnation of the universal godhead,
such that devotion to Christ, Allah, or whoever automatically comes
to him. This sort of claim is not altogether unusual in Hinduism. It
is interesting to note, however, that the Sai Baba advanced this claim
in 1968, at a time when the movement was expanding into foreign countries,
such as the
A further way in which Sai Baba
has met a potential challenge to his authority is to thwart any discussion
about his successor. In 1963 he announced that he was the second incarnation
in a series of three. The first had occurred in the human form of the Shirdi Sai Baba who was the incarnation of Sakthi. The second, himself, was the incarnation of Siva-Sakthi;
and the third would be the incarnation of Siva as someone called Prema Sai to be born in Mysore State eight years after
his own death. By defusing the problem of succession, he also defused
the problem of authority. All authority remains firmly in his hands
as long as he lives. Anyone else who claims this authority in Sai Baba's lifetime will be recognized as a usurper or imposter."
Excerpt from 'Charismatic authority in the
Sathya Sai Baba movement' by Donald Taylor in Hinduism in Great Britain,
Richard Burghart (ed.), 1987, London/New York: Tavistock Publications, pp. 119-133.
(Transcribed
by Alexandra Nagel, The Netherlands)
World Council Member Ron Laing: On a visit to the highly-respected Peggy Mason of The Embodiment of Love, and her husband and co-author, Ron Laing in UK in 1987, Ron spent most of two hours telling me in detail of his negative experiences on the World Council and in the Sai Organization, strongly criticising the Sai Organization and not least Mr. Indulal Shah. After resigning from the Sai Organization, Ron Laing wrote, in the Spring 1988 edition of Peggy Mason's 'Sathya Sai Baba - quarterly magazine', as follows:
Organisation has been the bane and pollution of all world religions. How can administrators and bureaucrats not fail to misinterpret and travesty the teachings of the great mystics who have founded the world religions and who have not been able to embody their spiritual insights into limited human language? There is bound to be distortion, misunderstanding and man-made theology. In my opinion, with man's growing consciousness, this is why the age of churches is dying out, and the age of spiritual truth is emerging.
It is vital to understand that in the Sai Movement the Organisation is quite separate from the Divine Mission. This is why Swami has recently said: "Those who are organisation-minded are those who do not understand the meaning of love. They continue to believe in reports and organisational detail, none of which is important." Love knows no rules. There is room for freelancers and individuals in the Sai Movement.
It is relevant to note that the ambiguity of the Charter on many issues and its loopholes, together with the disempowerment of its members before the dictates of the International Chairman and his executives have produced much freelancing and 'individuality', but perhaps not quite as Ron Laing envisaged it, for the results that can hardly be said to have removed bureaucracy or resolved other related problems. Conflicts are known to be endemic to many countries (according not least to reports in some talks by a couple of Central Coordinators!)
Comment: Whether or not such 'messages' are influenced by the subconscious mind of
the recipient, the Organisation gets a similar treatment to the one given
in this analysis. There is perhaps a veiled threat, like the very vague
hints of retribution found in many of Baba's pronouncements,
in the words "do not betray the trust which the Lord has placed in
your hands".
Apropos
the "great wave that will sweep away much of what exists today",
there is no telling how literal it is intended to be. Millennialism was
rife among Sai devotees, and persistent accounts of what Sai Baba has said
to people from many parts of the world in interviews gave much
sustenance to this. Lucas Ralli ( Sai Messages
for You and Me Vol. 3)
Sai Organization's chauvinist and vertical structure: Alejandro Agostinelli was a TV producer (America TV) and editing secretary for Descubrir magazine. Presently he is in the Multimedia Area of Editorial Perfil in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He said in 2001 on a TV programme entitled 'Divine Sin' that investigated Sai Baba:
"I have Monica Socolowicz, the woman who introduced the Sathya Sai Organization to Argentina, in front of me. I am at her Foundation for Practical Spirituality. Monica's first visit to India was in 1979, when Sai Baba greeted her in a way that made a deep impression on her: "You came at last!" he said to her. The teacher asked her to start the first Sai Center in Argentina and so she did. For a period of ten years she took more than 400 groups of Argentineans to Puttaparthi, the village in the south of India where Baba's ashram is located. In 1992 she left the Organization because she didn't agree with its "chauvinist and vertical" structure."
The problematical Charter's history - some background and
comments: The original Charter, 'granted to' the Sai Organization by SB in 1981, was penned by Dr.
S. Bhagavantam (famous for the possibly 'dharmic achievement' of making India's first atomic weapon) together with the ex-politician
and initiator/head of the so-called Sathya Sai Seva Organisations, Mr. Indulal
Shah. Sai Baba had accepted this, however, and it was printed for sale. That
first brief Charter was narrowly conceived in respect of any global, inter-cultural
relevance and was soon replaced with a longer version, which also evidently
was soon found too problematical as a basis for organisation work internationally,
being widely criticized by Westerners. It was unfortunately packaged in largely
unintelligible bureaucratic language, a kind of formal or pseudo-legalistic
jargon.
Around 1990, all countries were instructed to hold series of meetings
to discuss the Charter and send in their comments. Several committees
drawn from European countries worked on the final recommendations in 1991
at 'Mother Sai House' at Divignano near Milan. Bernhard Gruber of Germany, the
excellent leader of the European region at that time, sent off those recommendations
- but in the end not one had any real effect on the final result (again
penned in its final form by the International Chairman, I. Shah, and eventually
accepted by Sai Baba). The new
The Charter has gone through some small changes since then - officially dividing
the Sai Organization into two variants, one for the Eastern and one for Western hemispheres.
Later the Sai Organization was re-divided into five world zones, which allows for a certain
amount of (unspecified) regional differentiation in actual practice because
five different leaders presumably interpret the Charter somewhat selectively
in respect of specific events according to the needs of their zones.
The Charter has repeatedly proven a stumbling block because of the
requirements it prescribed, including rituals that are largely impracticable
in Western countries or non-Hindu cultures. Therefore, it was - and still
is -frequently ignored in practice both centrally and locally as and when
leaders (or sufficient numbers of engaged ground-level members) see fit.
One example of this should suffice. In Prashanthi Nilayam at the time of its
world conferences, the Sai Organization grants to any foreign visitor who happens to be
staying at the ashram as a member and country delegate, even those who are
merely boarding there for convenience and have never even been to a single darshan in their lives and never even find out that they are 'member
delegates'. Needless to say, this is wholly contrary to the rules for membership
in both Charters. It did not help matters in countries where qualification
as a member is no automatic right, but requires acquaintance with the practices
developed locally like active participation and other requirements for membership.
Locally, one often ignores other culturally unacceptable limits prescribed
by the Charter when inappropriate (e.g. Hindu rituals, stated membership criteria,
and various other rules). Such deviance from the paragraph is common to all
organisations, but the degree and nature vary. It is particularly relevant
in the Sai Organization to examine certain common deviations from the rules as an expression
of problems or conflicts met in social and spiritual practice.
The Former Sai Organization's International Chairman (later redefined as Overseas Chairman), a founder member, Indulal Shah had great influence with leaders of national branches and key centres around the world, having traveled to many of them himself on behalf of Baba. He had a special pull on Marathi Indians, who were often central in local organisations, for this is a kind of family or clan throughout the Indian diaspora. So he was able to contravene Baba's own requirement that the Central Office at Prashanthi Nilayam, headed by a mild-mannered and understanding person, Mr. D. Hejmadi, should receive all future reports from centres and groups. Shah required that all his Indian friends and those foreigners firmly 'in his camp', such as R. Hira of Japan, J. Jagadeesan of Malaysia, T. Meyer of Denmark, and Dr. Jumsai of Thailand etc. should send reports to himself in Bombay. In this way Baba eventually had no real choice but to let things continue as they were. He reinstated I. Shah in a leading role with changed title. I was so informed by V.K. Narasimhan - once India's foremost investigative journalist in his day - who knew much about the Sai Organization due to his close contact with Sai Baba and his staff and also about the career of Indulal Shah ever since he had been involved with Nehru's government.
"Puppets of Indulal Shah": At a brief interview
given shortly after the Sai Organization's World Conference
during the 70th birthday period, SB asked three Western devotees,
including Erik Henriksen and Robert Bruce, why they had not spoken up about
anything they thought about it. Then he told them that "all are puppets
of Indulal Shah".
Indulal Shah's international Sai Org. leadership role was taken over before
2000 by Dr.
Michael Goldstein of the USA. See transcripts and clips Goldstein on the BBC documentary 'The Secret Swami' here.
The illusion of democratic decisions:
1) A small example illustrates how 'democratic decisions' are made locally,
but are easily circumvented: one meeting I attended discussed a request from
a Jewish member to allow the Jewish Star of David symbol to be used in the
Scandinavian Sai Organization's logo, as it is officially used in the USA. The entire
meeting agreed that it should be allowed, apart from the Chairman (T. Meyer),
who at least promised to put the matter before Baba. This was not done, but
the minutes of the meeting later informed us that devotees should not concern
themselves with such matters, but rather spend their energies in self-examination,
good work etc.
"I have Monica Socolowicz, the woman who introduced the Sathya Sai Organization to Argentina, in front of me. I am at her Foundation for Practical Spirituality. Monica's first visit to India was in 1979, when Sai Baba greeted her in a way that made a deep impression on her: "You came at last!" he said to her. The teacher asked her to start the first Sai Center in Argentina and so she did. For a period of ten years she took more than 400 groups of Argentineans to Puttaparthi, the village in the south of India where Baba's ashram is located. In 1992 she left the Organization because she didn't agree with its "chauvinist and vertical" structure."
Control of communication:
1) Serguei Badaev, the President of the Moscow
centre and deputy of the National Coordinator and National SSEHV Coordinator
until his dismissal, reported: "I know T. Meyer of
Sai Baba's name's fame hyperbole: The hyperbole in Sai Baba's claim to be known to almost everyone alive far surpasses all reasonability. The entire world may know about the Dalai Lama, the Beatles, Lady 'Di' Diana, David Beckham, Madonna, the Pope, Mohammed Ali, Bin Laden, Saddam Hussein & many another... but definitely not Sathya Sai Baba. Billions have certainly not heard of him and, of those possibly tens of millions who may recognise the name, relatively few could tell anything about him. Only in parts of India, or progressively within the Sai movement, or within the ashrams can it be said that Sathya Sai Baba is a name known to everyone.
On Sai Baba's Christmas Discourse, 2000: (as published in Sanathana Sarathi - Jan. 2001, pps.1-11) Please see text and comments here.
The VIP statusconferred on the CCs and some
other high office-bearers in the Sai Organization gives them privileges not accorded to
others, such as being able to cut into first place in any food or various
other queues, a privilege most of them make use of regularly. At the ashrams
they are allowed to sit in special places, where Baba most often goes during
darshan. Outside
VIPs in action 'Love in Action' was the motto of a Meeting of Sai Organisations of Europe, Hamburg 12-15 May, 1989. About 1000 persons from the whole of Europe attended (in all from about 14 countries). The VIP visitors, including Phyllis Krystal, Al Drucker, Dr. Jumsai, Victor Kanu and various other of their kind or 'rank' were housed together in their own hotel and were also allotted special tables at meals in the locale where the meeting was held (the Curio-Haus, Hamburg) so that they were largely separated from the rank and file. This was how love appeared in action, hardly an expression of unity. But it was only a direct reflection of how things are at Baba's ashrams. See further VIPism